Исламизация государства, гендерных отношений и повседневности в Пакистане : диссертация на соискание ученой степени кандидата философских наук : 09.00.14

I first address relevance of my study. The modern socio-political and cultural situation in the world is marked by the growing influence of Islam. If the number of Muslims in the world is about a quarter of all believers, the formation of political Islam affects the interests of many more people. The knowledge of how political Islamic movements and thinkers imagine the ways to realize their interests and achieve political change, including their readiness to use violence for these changes, although constantly increasing, is still insufficient. Changes in knowledge production respond to these new trends in public and political life. Regional studies are changing under the influence of globalization and the weight of knowledge about this large-scale process in contemporary social and human knowledge. Accordingly, any attempt to reflect on religious processes in a region or country must take into account the broader processes taking place around the world and their reflection in science.
One such reflection is the rapid growth of post-colonial problems. While constituting a popular theory, post-colonialism is at the same time a characteristic of the political, social and cultural life of a large number of modern countries (including the one to which the work is devoted – Pakistan). The question of how religion, and primarily Islam, is used by political elites to consolidate new nations formed after the collapse of empires is one of the most important issues in post-colonial theory, but it also remains under-researched. One reason is the predominance of security studies in Islam and in political and international relations-related disciplines. They think of political Islam as more of a threat or an enemy to which approaches need to be found.
The lack of such an approach is explained by the fact that it is impossible to draw a clear line between Islam, political and Islam in everyday life, and Western culture and society. Millions of Muslims also live within the Western world, and even
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more holders of this religion live outside of it, being diversely connected with the West through consumption and ideology.
In 2010, there were 1.6 billion Muslims in the world, constituting the majority of the population in 49 countries. These impressive figures are the result of a long, controversial and ongoing historical process of Islamization: people, states and nations become Muslim as a result of a variety of factors. Islamization covers almost all spheres of society.
“Are textbooks for efficient Islamization your thing, or madrassas fitted out for mass brainwashing young minds more to your taste? Then, by all means, plan to stop- over in Pakistan”. This is the ironic advice that Ivan Strenski, the Holstein Family and Community Distinguished Professor of Religious Studies at the University of California, Riverside, gives his readers while conducting a review of a recent book [Strenski 2019]. Drawing on this and other scholars’ ideas, I consider in this dissertation the on-going impact of Islam on Pakistan. In other words, by focusing on Islamization, I present the ubiquitous presence of Islam in the politics and the everyday as a process the consequences of which still remain to be seen. Pakistan, in other words, is a country of particularly successful Islamization carried out by the state through education and control of everyday practices. Yet the ubiquitous presence and impact of Islam on the life of a given country need to be studied with the voices of ordinary citizens in mind, and empirical research carried out in the country is still insufficient. This dissertation views Islamization as a process whose consequences are not yet clear and known to science.
The importance of introducing the voices of ordinary Muslims into scientific use and using modern arguments and theories to analyze them is particularly important given that the media and scientific research on Islamic religion and violence have had a huge impact on the public and scholars.
There are several main reasons for selecting this topic: a) it is significant to study the religious culture in everyday life of Pakistanis and b) examining the religious, i.e. Islamic impact on culture and politics will be very fruitful research both
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for academic as well as for critical understanding in overall about Pakistan and finally c) that is important to examine the gender interpretation in Islam as well as in the Pakistani culture which will be significant to know about the repressive or empowered status of a woman. I attempted to reveal the causes which have given the title of an underdeveloped country to Pakistan. This research will be also a definite route to understand the circumstances of how Islam influenced state politics and made it an extremist state from a secular one. The topic chosen for this study is extremely relevant. First, the relevance is related to the need for modern theoretical analysis of the ideological role of Islam in the formation of state policy, the influence of Islam as a state religion on the transformation of everyday practices in modern society, as well as analysis of the ongoing politicization of gender relations, which combines the interaction of factors such as political, religious and gender identity. Secondly, the relevance of the work is determined by the selected specific material. Pakistan which is the second-largest Islamic state by population, but is drawn into the globalization processes and develops modern technologies, including communication, because the actual role of Islam in today’s daily life requires analysis and theoretical study.
The impact of Islam on societies, particularly on women, generally is regarded to be controversial. Since all religions are based on traditions, in contemporary societies their impact is complex. All religions are also controversial concerning women. The impact of Islam varies from country to country and can be undoubtedly negative, i.e. the condition of women under the Taliban government in Afghanistan. The academic examination of the impact of Islam tends to deal with similar cases of severe oppression and focuses on political Islam (which often indeed has been negative for many strata of populations but specifically for women).
I conceptualize the impact of Islam as the problem of religion. My main argument is that Islam is important and, in many cases, the major determinant of the social, political and cultural life in the countries, including Pakistan, is the bulk of the population with the Muslim majority. I define the case of the impact of Islam on the Pakistani people as one of the “problems of religion”. When introducing the impact
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as the problem, I follow Ivan Strenski who defines problems of religion as “key topics for the development of the study of religions” and considers “the function of religion” to be one of these. The problems of religion emphasize Strenski, arise as responses to important historical events or processes, and my premise is that, after the tragic events of 11 September 2001 and several terrorist attacks, the problem of the impact of Islam became particularly salient.
The media and academic investigation of the topic of religion and violence had an enormous influence on the common public and scholars alike. Islam has been closely connected to political conflicts and social violence. And indeed numerous studies are claiming that Muslims have been charged in recent decades for perpetrating a great deal of terrorist attacks on the name of Islam [Fish & Michel 2010]. Yet, the Western media, which is prone to sensationalism and “othering”, often exaggerate the connections among Islam with violence. However, the prominence of extremist groups amplifies the perceived strong link among civil war as well as Islam. A recent Pew Research Center survey found that 50 % of Americans believe that Islam “mostly incites violating attitude among its adherents” [Karakaya 2015]. The public attitudes towards Islam are justifiably negative; in part, they have an opinion as Islam as a religion is liable for conflicts probably on a national and international level. Many scholars add to this the argument that the Islamic faith provokes conflicts [Ritchie 2003]. The image of the Muslim wars and Muslims fighting each other because of the rise of Islamic consciousness was famously put forward by Samuel Huntington in his “Theory of the Clash of Civilizations”. Yet Muslim-majority countries are also characterized by plenty of positive things: they try to promote socio-economic development and reduce state repression but this is not easy tasks to fulfill.
Islam is also a very diverse religion. It now includes ‘new Islam’ or ‘the revivalist Islam’ [Nazli Kibria 2007, Peek 2005], which is a Muslim understanding of Islam that emphasizes ‘the significance and impact of Islam in all aspects of lives’[Nazli Kibria 2007]. In this understanding of Islam, being Muslim becomes the only identity one is allowed to have and express publicly. Then the question arises
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whether Muslims are ‘all about Islam’ [Nadia Jeldtoft 2011] namely is there a complete overlap between being a Muslim and being, for instance, a cultivated, rational, educated person of a specific class and gender? I look in my dissertation at how Pakistani Muslims make sense of Islam in their everyday lives to collect their voices and opinions on what they mean to be as Muslims. The choice of my theoretical framework stems from the fieldwork that I conducted, namely, what sense can be made about everyday lived Islam from the statements of the informants about the impact of Islam on their lives.
I now address the existing studies on my topic. In English-language religious studies and cultural philosophy, the problems of the Islamisation of states, cultures, societies and education are analyzed synchronously and diachroniously. A diachronic analysis of Islamisation is carried out concerning countries such as India, Indonesia, Tanzania, Turkey and others. Synchronous analysis of this process is prevalent in the literature and has been carried out in particular with the modern development of regions such as Inner Asia and countries such as Malaysia, Iran, Indonesia, the United Arab Emirates, Turkey and Egypt. Islamisation is generally understood as a process of increasing the influence of Islam in society. In addition to sources in which the main subject of analysis is countries, a significant segment of literature is formed by studies of the Islamisation of certain areas of social life, before education. Thus, when discussing the concept of the Islamisation of knowledge and its implications for philosophy, the scholars emphasise that Islamisation should not be understood as a mechanical process, but that it is necessary to see the adaptation of certain types of knowledge to the content of Islamic science, as well as a desire to strengthen the position of Islamic science in the context of contemporary knowledge.
A separate and rapidly growing field of research is devoted to Islamisation, understood as the increasing influence of Islam on Europe and the West as a whole. These include the work of Ivan Strenski, Professor of Religious Studies at the University of California at Riverside and Professor at the Institute for Political Studies in Aix-en Provence, Director of the Observatoire du religieux, Rafael Liogier, author
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of the book “Myth of Islamisation, an essay on collective obsession”. Strenski in his review of a number of recent scientific and art books, including Houellebecq’s controversial novel “Submissiveness”, challenges the popular argument that European civilisation is under threat of extinction for two main reasons: firstly, the mass arrival of migrants and secondly, the passivity of European elites combined with the growing racism and xenophobia among the conservative part of the working class. Strenski argues that the indifference of the elites towards the understanding of Europe as a Christian civilisation leads to a blurring of Europe’s identity, but the prospects for re- Christianisation of Europe remain ghostly. At the same time, European Islam (the term of Tariq Ramadan) still poses no serious threat. Liogier criticizes the laws of France which focus on the principle of secularism, i.e. the coexistence of different cultures under the protection of a law which guarantees freedom of conscience, expression and religion, stressing that although citizens have the right to wear religious symbols, a law has been passed which prohibits the wearing of religious symbols in public schools and public places. The scientist also links the rise of anti-Islamic sentiment among ultra-right groups and a large number of French citizens to identity anxiety: the perception of “alien” as a threat is a sign of weakness.
Thus, the study of Islamization takes place in a continuum: from historical reconstructions to analysis of contemporary politics, from parsing the real process to criticizing the Islamization imagined by Europeans as a threat to the identity of their continent and their culture. Migration specialists and Islamic researchers in the West insist that more attention should be paid to the impact of individualism on Muslim and that the study of Islamization in the West should get rid of the ‘ethnic prism’ and explore Islamic identity using the more general analytical framework offered by religious studies.
Work on Islamization in Pakistan is divided into two groups, depending on the focus either on domestic policy or on the links between domestic and international policy. Let us characterize the first group by describing one of the earlier analyses carried out by Riaz Hassan, an expert on Pakistani Islamization, an Australian Islamic
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scholar. He considers Islamisation to be the dominant state ideology that serves the interests of military regimes, the first of which came to power after the overthrow of the Pakistan People’s Party government in 1977. On the one hand, he believes, it is clear that Islamisation was an instrument of legitimisation for the ruling regime, but it is not limited to this: other political and social forces in the country have played an even stronger role in making Islamisation a state ideology in Pakistan. It also shows that both the pre-war political regime, namely the government of the Pakistan People’s Party and the president and then prime minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, used the emotionally strong religious phrases of ‘Muhammad’s equality’ and ‘Islamic equality’ to provide mass support for socialist politics. When anti-government forces used Islam to turn people against the government of Bhutto, the government announced “Islamic” reforms, banning alcohol, gambling and horse racing and making Friday rather than Sunday a weekend. These historical nuances show that there is hardly a single political force in the country that would not try to use Islam to attract the electorate to its side.
The second group of studies on Islamisation in Pakistan has been carried out taking into account the contradictions arising from the country’s involvement in international conflicts. The 40-year war in Afghanistan, which started with the Soviet invasion and continues due to American interests in the region, is just one example of the link between the use of Islam for strengthening national security in the context of Pakistan’s involvement in the geopolitical games of the ‘heavyweight’ countries. For example, a number of armed groups are linked to Tehreek Taliban Pakistan, a religious and political movement aimed at building an Islamic state. Instability on the country’s borders, conflicts between the state and tribes and other internal problems are connected with the processes taking place both in neighbouring countries and in countries far from Pakistan. It is no coincidence that Pakistan was seen as a failed state. Besides, different forces within the country had different ideas about how the country should develop: political leaders, the military and business circles used the symbols of Islam and the texts of the founding fathers in different ways to pursue their interests. Many of the challenges facing the country today are due to the arrival in

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power in the late 1970s of General Zia ul Haq, who was particularly active in implementing the special Islamisation programme developed by his government. This manifested itself in the revision of criminal law following traditional Muslim law, as well as in the implementation of the norms prescribed by Islam in taxation and banking. Markus Daechse, an English Pakistani and South Asian historian, sees Zia ul Haq’s policy of military Islamisation as a manifestation of colonial influence on the political identity of the country and its elite. The militarisation of politics is closely linked to Pakistani nationalism and the ethos of the national army. In Daechse’s view, the colonial roots of modern Pakistani politics are manifested in the fact that the country’s poor peasant population is seen by the elites as backward and driven only by religious sentiments, while politics is thought to be the privilege of the Westernized elite. Zia ul Haq believed that the ordinary Pakistani people were deeply religious and used religious symbols to legitimise their rule. The general and the president did what his predecessors did, but he was the only one who led the religious manipulation of the population to extremes.
As this president’s activities coincided with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, he brought the Sunnis to power, whose increasing influence gave Islamisation the form of ‘Shariatisation’. In other words, laws have been passed that penalise those responsible for crimes under the rules of traditional Islam. The result was a gradual betrayal of the ideas on which the country was based, unreasonable use of the country’s resources and fragmentation of social relations.
Islamisation is also addressed in several fundamental monographs on the history and present-day of the country. The problems of religious studies are thus linked to those of regional studies and country studies. Hilary Synnott, in the book “Transforming Pakistan”, shows the difficulties of subordinating different ethnic identities to a single national narrative. The national building was hindered by a corrupt ruling class, army domination and authoritarian rule. Nighat Said Khan, a Pakistani feminist activist and scholar, in his book “Voices from the Inside: Dialogues

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with Women” explores the contemporary history of Pakistan, criticizing the inconsistency in creating a national ideology as a cause of violence and social disintegration.
The impact of Islam on society, especially on women, is generally considered controversial. Since all religions are based on tradition, their influence is complex in modern societies. All religions also have complex and contradictory attitudes towards women. The impact of Islam varies from country to country and can certainly be negative: it is enough to turn to the position of women under the Taliban government in Afghanistan. Academic expertise on the impact of Islam tends to focus on such cases of brutal oppression and focuses on political Islam (which has often been negative for many sections of the population, but especially for women). However, there is also a need for closer examination, taking into account what anthropologists call local knowledge and drawing on the opinions and narratives of local citizens, as well as the status of gender relations in other South Asian countries, including Pakistan.
This is unlikely to be done without researching what everyday life is like in countries where the vast majority of citizens are Muslim. Government influence, the consequences of military and other violence, poverty, the agrarian nature of the country’s economy, geopolitical pressure, regional differences, the coexistence of different tribes and ethnic groups in the country – these and other factors have an impact on Muslim daily life. Strategies for finding jobs, partners, education, family relations and sexual practices are included in the implementation of beliefs through religious practices in the community. Islam is ‘localised’ in Pakistan and other countries and how this is happening today and historically requires further study.
The goal of this dissertation is as follows: following an extensive analysis of a study on the problems of Islamization and the influence of Islam on various spheres of social and political life, this dissertation aims to consider Islamization of social and political life in Pakistan. Drawing on the existing Islamic studies and fieldwork, I examine the multifaceted processes of Islamization in Pakistan.

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The purpose of the study necessitates the formulation of the following tasks:
1. In the course of analysis of the existing approaches to the influence of Islam and consideration of the ongoing discussions in the literature, identify the religious foundations of the genesis, content and social practices of Islamization.
2. Based on the explication of the conceptual logic of critical works on political and everyday Islam, to formulate and consider key problems caused by the process of Islamization.
3.To analyze the conceptual apparatus of the philosophy of religion and religious studies in order to find those concepts that allow you to analyze the religious dynamics in a specific region, namely the “living religion” (lived religion).
4. Having identified the key arguments and components of the methodology of religious studies, to complement the existing range of approaches and options for analyzing the specific ways of existence of this Islam in the context of the countries of South Asia, those that allow you to analyze the daily life of this religion.
The scientific novelty of the research:
1. A number of new arguments have been introduced into religious studies, developing the problems of genesis, content and social practices of Islamisation. A systematic analysis of sources on the country’s history and religious history has been carried out to understand the connection between political evolution and the instrumental application of Islam by the government and the country’s elites.
2. A set of problems arising around the process of Islamisation has been structured and developed in a substance: instrumentalisation of the use of Islam, everyday Islam and living religion, Islam and gender relations.
3. The conceptual apparatus of the philosophy of religion and religious studies were analysed in order to find those concepts that make it possible to analyse religious dynamics in a specific region, namely ‘living religion’.
4. In the methodology of religious studies, the concept of “everyday Islam” has been tested, which makes it possible to expand the range of approaches and options

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for analysing specific ways of living this religion in the context of South Asian countries.
5. The combination of conceptual achievements of the literature on Islamic daily life and gender relations made it possible to introduce new information on the development of everyday religion of the Muslim majority in Pakistan.
6. An analysis of the relationship between the categories of gender and Islam made it possible to show that Islam has a particularly significant impact on women in Pakistan. The idea and image of a Pakistani woman were embedded in the nationalist narrative and set as symbols of national identity, and as a result, the social roles of women became subject to social regulation, especially by the state and its leaders.
The practical significance of the study. The results presented in the dissertation can be used both for further research in the field of religious studies, cultural philosophy, religious ethnography, studies of Islam, and for applied research into the processes of Islamization (ways of interaction between religious institutions and believers, differences between the religious practices of Muslims in the West and South Asia, the relationship between religious nationalism and violence, gender relations in patriarchal and conservative environments, etc.). The theoretical significance of the material presented in this work can be used in developing lecture courses on the theory and history of religion, the sociology of religion, regional studies and modern Islam.
Methodology and methods of this study is comprised from several strands. I conduct a conceptual analysis but I also wish to demonstrate the complexity of people’s everyday lived religion and religiosity. For this, I use the qualitative studies tradition, including the tradition of ethnography of religion [Anon 2009b, McGuire 2002]. This gives a more comprehensive picture since it includes the experiences of people in the study who are not religious professionals and the making sense of religion outside the religious institutions. Investigating how people are living out religion in their everyday lives in both the private and the public sphere, I focus not on abstract categories of religion or belief but present the study of how religion is

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practiced by real people. Everyday lived Islam and Muslim / Islamic religiosity, although they have been examined during the last two decades, are still rather un- researched topics and studies that examine Muslim majority’s everyday religiosities In Pakistan specifically have so far been relatively few in number. In this dissertation, I apply the model developed by Caroline Berghammer and Katrin Fliegenschneein order to study Muslim religiosity in greater detail [Berghammer, Caroline & Fliegenschnee 2014]. Everyday lived Muslim religiosity is multi-dimensional and a combination of faith and behaviour. Of these two, behaviour, can be divided into two subcategories: (1) rituals and duties, and (2) ethical behavioural principles. All these aspects are influenced by the surrounding religious and cultural context as well as life- course events and social networks. As an outcome of this division, religiosity has certain functions that manifest themselves in daily life. I focus on the way Muslim men and women themselves understand their “Muslim-ness”, that is their faith and how it is connected to their lives, what are their experiences and practices in the context of everyday life. I consider such components of the Islamic way of life as a belief system, nationality, ethnicity, class, educational background, rural or urban background, gender, age, and profession but also the contexts to which they are related. My initial premise is that the concepts of religious nationalism, everyday lived religion, and religiosity are inter-dependent I also believe that engaging into the theological discussions of Islam is not enough and that interviews – as part of religious ethnography – allow a glimpse to the internal insights into Islam and the ways of practicing Islam, which may be impossible to deal with if one is an outsider. The employment of an internal perspective is valuable because it offers access to the meanings of religion to those who practice it rather than offering or following qualifications made from outside the specific Islamic and national context. I follow here Dessing et al. (2016) differentiation among identity from the inside and identity from the outside. Dessing et al. also usefully reminds that although there are differences between individual and social religiosities, it is not always clear how to

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differentiate between the two. I argue – dialectically – that both collectivist and individual values and attitudes are at a place in everyday practices.
The very formulation of research questions prompted the author to rely not only on philosophical and conceptual methods; phenomenological, for example, but also to involve empirical methods, to conduct semi-structured interviews with a large number of informants in four different regions of Pakistan.
Research studies about the impact of Islam on Pakistani Muslims regarding gender, political views, and everyday life is a limited but qualitative methodology of research has been used in innumerable studies. I have used inductive interview protocol, i.e., open-ended, semi-structured questions in an attempt to cover the specific gender interpretation and genuine opinions regarding politics and culture within an Islamic framework. The researcher selected “purposive sampling” which is the significant type of non-probability sampling to choose the primary informants. All interviews were conducted and recorded in the local language, ‘Urdu’. The researcher conducted face to face and telephonic interviews as well. All interviews were open- ended semi-structured to get relevant information regarding the everyday life of Muslims and the influence of Islam on politics, culture, and gender interpretation. Each interview was recorded through audiotape with the permission of interviewees. Those recorded interviews were an essential part of our qualitative research and for final analysis. Open-ended interviews are more abundant in multi perspectives to get results in qualitative research [Bless and Smith 2000, 106].
In ethnographic research, qualitative method of research has an integral role. Taking into account its focus on participation in a given culture, participant observation has always been a key method for collecting data [Ali 2004]. As, a participant observer and locale researcher, I am a witness of the social situations of the primary ways of adoration for Islam by local Muslims and explored how Muslims implicitly and explicitly adjusted Islam in their culture. The researcher has conducted eighty formal structured interviews in her own locale site “Pakistan”. Pakistan has four provinces (Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and NWFP); therefore eighty interviews

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were equally conducted (twenty interviews) in each province. The reason to divide the interviews equally in each province is ethnicity and multi-cultural characteristic of Pakistan. Every province has its own culture with diverse particulars as language, dress patter, food and customs but all of them share the same religion with a somehow different interpretation of Islam due to demographical and cultural background. All the interviewees were self-identified Muslims and holding different occupations such as lawyers, teachers, students, labourers, religious preachers and business holders. The age of informants (age and occupation has been mentioned in discussion with their remarks) was almost from 18 to 75. Fieldwork lasted for six months beginning from June to December 2018. All the interviews had been conducted and recorded face to face in person with a maximum time of an hour. The researcher used the pseudonyms to ensure the privacy of her informants. Besides participant observation, formal interviews and group discussions, tens of informal and friendly group discussions with Muslims (particularly women) have also been conducted that provided a treasure trove of information about the everyday Islam of Muslims and their religious and cultural interpretation about gender and politics. All the interviews were conducted in locale language ‘Urdu’ and English translation in this piece of research is my own.
At the start of interviews, informants were explained briefly about the object of study and after their consent, a demographic form (has been added at the end of the report) was filled by participants. Informants were told that they have a right to stop anytime during the interview or they can skip a question if they do not want to answer any question. The Researchers has used different techniques while conducting interviews i.e. probing and cross-examining to know the better understanding of the level of religiosity and its influence on a micro and macro level. Interviews were saved through jotting, daily diary, field notes and audio- tapped narratives to analyze. Once the whole data was compiled, each semi-structured interview was reviewed categorized logically according to chapters, and then the summary was organized. Finally, data was analyzed and interpreted into themes and codifications.

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A number of social scientists have used the approach of cultural and religious self- assessment of respondents [Mogahid 2009, See also Sen & Sauer 2006, Meng 2004]. So, here I followed them but with an addition by classifying the responses of informants (i.e. 2 out of ten).
A cross-analysis was conducted to crosscheck the level of religiosity and its impact on the cultural attitude of Pakistanis through the similarity and differentiation of information shared by informants. Almost one-third of the respondents have the same answers (especially about gender interpretation) and instead of dropping these responses, I used cognitive interviews to understand the reason and added in my analysis.
To summarize my methodology and methods, I developed the theoretical framework comprised from the concepts of “lived religion”, “lived Islam”, “Muslim religiosity” and “religious nationalism” to look at the following three aspects of the contemporary Pakistani society: the state governance, gender relations, and the everyday. This dissertation aims to examine dimensions of Muslim religiosity from statements about Muslim men and women’s everyday lived religion. I demonstrate, following Strenski, Orsi and other scholars of lived religion, that it has dynamic and controversial nature. I reconstruct in my dissertation a specific social and cultural context which, according to Orsi [Orsi 2003] is characteristic for lived religion. Combining conceptual analysis and qualitative fieldwork among the Muslim citizens of Pakistan, I conceptualize Islam as a lived religion in the country where Muslims constitute a majority.
The main arguments to be put forward for a defense:
1. The problem of the Islamisation of societies and cultures is viewed in two ways: studies either focus on the domestic politics of the country or deal with the complex dynamics of international influence and domestic political interests.
2. Pakistan’s political history and modern life are characterised by the instrumentalisation of Islam: Islamisation has been and continues to be a way of

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legitimising the ruling regime and all political and social forces in the country are appealing to Islam to increase their influence.
3. The methodological resource of modern religious studies in the study of Islam is to focus on the concepts of “living religion” and “everyday Islam”, i.e. the attitude to follow Islam-related attitudes and social practices in everyday life.
4. Gender relations in Pakistan are closely linked to political struggle, including Islam as a political force and the foundation of national identity. The place and role of women in public life have become a symbol of Islamization of Pakistan.
5. The development of the tradition of religious ethnography makes it possible to show that a qualitative research methodology is a way of better understanding everyday Islam in general and its gender dimension, which makes it possible to supplement the conceptual analysis with a demonstration of the complexity of everyday religion and religiosity of people.
6. The application of the qualitative research methodology made it possible to carry out a systematic analysis of Islamization and to demonstrate the peculiarities of this process in political, gender and everyday aspects.
Degree of reliability of the conducted research results. The results included in the dissertation work were obtained on the basis of studies conducted at a high scholarly level by applying contemporary methods and using relevant and recent sources. Scientific provisions, conclusions and recommendations formulated by the author are theoretically justified and confirmed in the course of fieldwork.
Approval of the research results. The main provisions of the dissertation were tested in scientific publications of the author, at a number of conferences in higher education institutions in Yekaterinburg, including the conference “Pivovarov Readings. Synthetic Paradigm: Science, Philosophy, Religion Studies” (Ural Federal University, 01.11.2018-03.11.2018) and within the framework of lectures delivered during pedagogical practice for Master’s students of IGUE “Geobranding” in 2017.