Социально-экономические факторы потребления и производства морских продуктов – сравнительное исследование Пекина и Лондона

1.1. Background
1.1.1. Aim of Research
By using the collected statistics and the data of aquatic products consumption of Chinese and British residents, and combining with the obtained questionnaire answered by the informants from Beijing and London, this paper explores the socioeconomic factors affecting the consumption and production of aquatic products in Beijing and London. Based on the analysis of all gleaned materials, the major factors affecting the consumption of aquatic products in Beijing and London are disclosed. Combined with consumption theory and previous research results, multiple postulations are suggested and tested, and the effect degree of each influencing factor is analyzed. Finally, through both the qualitative and quantitative analysis of the obtained data, the conclusion is drawn, which can provide possible help for the relevant policy recommendations, advertisement, retailing, and may also promote the development of domestic aquatic product consumption market in Beijing and London.

1.1.2. Meaning of Research
As for aquatic products, both China (the PRC) and the United Kingdom (the UK) enjoy flourishing domestic aquaculture industries, relatively long history of consuming aquatic products, and the massive demand for various aquatic products either domestically produced or imported.

Having been the economical, cultural, and political centers of their respective countries for centuries, both Beijing and London can be considered to be the conjunction in which different branches and types of food culture exist, compete, and evolve together. Nevertheless, different modes of consuming aquatic products can be witnessed in these two cities over the past two centuries.

According to Ronggguang Zhao in his book A History of Food Culture in China (2006), Beijing is one of core cities of the so-called “Jingjin Food Culture Circle”, and rest one being Tianjin. Benefited by both the geographical edges of being the capital city and having a close neighboring coastal city—Tianjin, a massive variety of aquatic products, either the freshwater or the marine, have their solid position in the food market in Beijing for centuries. Further, driven by the inimitable prosperity of Beijing by then, the aquatic species which were originally native only to Southern China, together with the classic cuisines prevailing there, had also been gradually introduced into “Jingjin Food Culture Circle”, and finally honed the diversity of this circle to a further extent. As what we can find in numerous ancient Chinese literature works such as the well known Dream of the Red Chamber, a great abundance of aquatic species, ranging from the Yellow River carp, Tianjin crabs and shrimps, to innumerable fish species from Southern China, could already be seen in Beijing starting from the 17th century, which has significantly diversified the consumption patterns of locals. Moreover, owing to the relatively developed fishery techniques, citizens in Beijing could also enjoy most freshwater species with generally acceptable prices, and sometimes even more economic than that in their origin places. However, limited by the prohibitive cost of transportation, fresh marine products were mostly consumed by imperial and gentry classes at that time, while most of the ordinary could only choose the freshwater one as the major source of aquatic products. Luxurious aquatic products, such as dried sea cucumber and abalone, were only for the imperial class as a manifestation of both wealth and privilege (or power).

* Braised carp: a dish demonstrative of Chinese people’s consumption of fish (source: Google)

After the collapse of the last ruling imperial dynasty of China—Qing which happened in the early 20th century, Beijing was still a city brimful of abundant aquatic species owing to various celebrities who resided there, albeit fresh sea food had still no been commonly consumed by local folks because of the cost. Later on, influenced by a long and harsh period of time wreaked by wars and political disorders, Beijing, as well as most inland cities in China, had not been able to embrace a flourishing market of aquatic products. The Chinese economic reform, starting from the late 1970s, literally marked a watershed in the aquatic market in Beijing. With the introduction of further advanced fishery techniques, and the development of logistics, aquatic products have finally been able to the part of most citizens’ quotidian existence, no matter whether they are freshwater or marine, and either fresh or frozen. Nowadays, most aquatic products are already far from being prohibitive, and have been accepted as a comparatively healthier nutrition source by increasing numbers of citizens year by year.

* The flourishing aquatic market in Beijing nowadays (source: Baidu)

As a city enjoying paramount importance from multiple dimensions, such as politics and finance, London has been a metropolis where different cultures have been gathering in conjecture for centuries. When it comes to English modes of consuming aquatic products, fish and chips, broadly deemed, is emblematic of both fish consumption and English cuisine in general. Originating in England, this dish has its two components introduced from separate immigrant cultures: Iberian Jewish fried fish with Belgian fried potatoes. Rather, being typical of even the whole British food culture, fish and chips shoulder the major part of the fish consumption history in the UK, and has already been an irreplaceable existence in the life of the British.

Influenced by the long-standing Roman Catholic tradition of having Fridays meat-free, and the relatively higher price of red meat, numberless British people took fish and chips as the major surrogate for meat owing to its irresistible merits: palatable, easy to cook, rich in energy, more affordable, and posing no violation to the doctrine. From a specific point of view, this aforementioned religious taboo boosted the proliferation of the catering industry specializing fish and chips. Focusing on cod as the major original material, the fried fish encompasses a diverse variety of fish species which can be cook in the same way, such as halibut, haddock, and sole fish. Since 1870s, fish and chips, by taking advantage of the industrial revolution, had gradually stepped into innumerable families as a comparatively more economic staple dish abundant in nutrition, which guaranteed both the basic dietary and gustatory needs of those belonging to working class and the families of lower income levels.

* Fish and chips, photoed by Matthias Mackel, 17.11.2018

Further, fish and chips had even constituted a dish of patriotism. It was one of the only few food sources which were free from the limitation of food rations during the two world wars in Britain. Aside from being the staple food of most civilians, fish and chips also played an integral role in the diets of millions of British soldiers, which was the reason why it was described as a “good mate (friend)” for the British by Winston Churchill. Witnessing almost two centuries of history, fish and chips has already become a classic element which is embedded indelibly in the memories of the British, a national dish regardless of consumers’ social classes, and a symbol of British culture into the bargain.

Of course, there are also other aquatic species which have their firm positions in British food cultural system. Estimated by the British government in 1910 as the most important industry in the world, oyster has a shorter but more “strenuous” history in London comparing to fish and chips. Interestingly, oysters had been reckoned as the food for the needy for a rather long period of time from the middle of the 19th century to the end of the Second World War owing to the common food safety incidents, albeit it was actually wreaked by the polluted water other than oysters themselves. Nowadays, succulent exotic oysters are already embraced as a sumptuous delicacy on the table of the wealthy, as well as other imported luxurious aquatic species.

Generally, starting from Billingsgate Fish Market which was the largest fish market in the world in the 19th century, the aquatic market in London has never waned itself, albeit the massive consumption of aquatic products, together with abundant species, has come into existence since the middle of the 20th century. In actuality, the proliferation of aquatic industry in London, as well as its counterpart in Beijing, was also mainly begotten by: 1, further advanced fishery techniques which has largely promoted the totally supply and lowered down the cost in general; 2, increasingly efficient logistics system which has fundamentally enriched the aquatic species available to consumers; 3, the influx of migrants with different cultural backgrounds which has basically enlivened the indigenous monotonous cuisines for preparing aquatic products, such as those from China, Indian, Japan, etc.

* Billingsgate fish market (source: Zhihu)

Figure 1.1. Source: UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)

Figure 1.2. Source: UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)

Moving to the 21th century, as Figure 1.1 and Figure 1.2 depict, until 2013, the per capita supply of the fish and fishery products for the UK was about 20.30 kg, while the supply for China nudged 37.90 kg per capita. In a word, the per capita supply of the fish and fishery products for either the UK or China is higher than the world’s average level. Specifically, there has been a significant in the growth of per capita fish and fishery products supply for China since 1980.

Figure 1.3. Source: UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)

Figure 1.4. Source: UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)

Starting from 2002, the gross amount of aquaculture production in China has been in the leading position in the whole world. Both China and the UK are the major aquaculture countries worldwide. However, as Figure 1.3 and Figure 1.4 demonstrate, the generality of the production of fish and fishery productions in China are from aquaculture practices, whereas the generality of the production in the UK are conversely acquired from capturing. Hence, a distinctive difference between China and the UK from the facet of fishery production is the proportion ratio of captured aquatic products to those acquired from aquaculture practices.

Figure 1.5. Source: UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)

Figure 1.6. Source: UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)

Comparing figure 1.5. with figure 1.6., we can find two evident distinctions among the major aquatic species produced in China and the UK: 1, demersal marine fish and pelagic marine fish enjoy a comparatively much larger proportion in the gross capture production amount for the UK, significantly dwarfing all the rest species captured, whereas fish is also a major part of aquaculture capture production for China, albeit being evidently less dominant; 2, comparing to the UK, China enjoys a further abundance in the major species groups in capture production, while the disparity among different species by production amount is comparatively smaller either. In a word, fish appears to be a significantly integral part in the production of aquatic products in the UK, while further abundant species with a less obvious difference among each other by amount tends to be the major trait of the aquatic production in China.

Figure 1.7. Source: UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)

Figure 1.8. Source: UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)

As Figure 1.5 and Figure 1.6 indicate, although both having a totally massive amount of importing and exporting, there is an obvious discrepancy between China and the UK. While China has been exporting obtrusively more than importing, the UK, however, has been importing apparently more than exporting. From a certain point, the information above shows that a higher level of self-reliance is seen in the aquaculture industry in China.

Figure 1.9. Source: UK Sea Fisheries Statistics 2019

Interestingly, until 2019, China has become the UK’s largest exporting country in the field of fish and fishery products and significantly outnumbered other exporting countries in the amount.

Figure 1.10. Source: UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)

Figure 1.11. Source: UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)

According to Figure 1.8 and Figure 1.9, except the difference in the per capita supply by amount, the compositions of the supplies in China and the UK also differ from each other. As for the composition of the supply in China, freshwater & diadromous fish takes the majority, whereas demersal fish occupies the generality of the supply in the UK. Further, other fishery products such as crustaceans and shellfish have also taken a comparatively larger proportion in the per capita supply for China, while various fish species in the UK, instead, still hold the relatively largest part of the whole per capita supply.

With the social developments achieved in both China and the UK in recent years, aquatic products, broadly deemed to be a healthier and more nutritious food source which should play an integral role in diet, have been gaining further attention from innumerable consumers. Chasing for a healthier style of life, consumers do not merely focus on the quantity of food consumption, but rather the quality of food to a further higher degree. During this process, the change of the demand for aquatic products appears to be significant. Hence, the analysis of the factors affecting the consumption and production of aquatic products is of vital importance, if we wish to further stimulate consumers’ demand for aquatic products and expand the scales of the existing aquatic markets in both London and Beijing.